Tuesday 30 June 2020

European Outlook # 61 July 2020

A Broad Church

As a post-fascist European nationalist I am used to being misunderstood. I accept that Britain is no longer a white country, and I would like to see an end non-European immigration, but I am not hostile to black and brown people, and whilst I am anti-Zionist, I don't hate the Jews.



I believe in a united Europe with a strong central government for defence and the economy, and state governments for everything else; the same model as the United States. The basis of my Europe is the EU plus the EFTA states. I don't exclude Russia and the old White Dominions in a future European bloc but we must walk before we can run.

The
editor of an Internet blog can't know all of his readers. The host company records visits but unless people write to you, under their own names, you never know who your friends are. I am genuinely surprised at how many former Brexiteers are changing their minds. Perhaps they are reconsidering their views in the light of the pandemic? 

I know from correspondence that my blogs attract a broad church. Some of them are fully paid-up little Englanders who think that 'Wogs begin at Calais'. I have known some of them for fifty years and we will never agree about Europe. Some are unrepentant National Socialists who deny the Holocaust, and others are National Front types who think that Zionist propaganda is a bit far-fetched. I like to think that the majority of my readers are a cut above from the 'Daily Mail'.

'Nation Revisited' and 'European Outlook' have readers all over the world, particularly in the United States. We are of many nations but we share a common ancestry and culture that reaches back to Greece and Rome. 

Please keep your comments coming. I'm either a degenerate liberal who has sold out to the Jews, or a Nazi thug who dreams of mass murder, but I won't know unless you tell me.

The Time is Right

Sometimes events come together at just the right time. The RAF and the Luftwaffe were evenly matched in 1940 but we had marginally better aircraft, we had the home advantage, and we were better organised. Before the Battle of Britain a German invasion seemed inevitable and our defeat was a distinct possibility, but as soon as we won the battle our eventual victory was certain.

T
he Scottish referendum on independence almost succeeded because the Scots were unhappy after six years of austerity and oil was trading at $100 per barrel. Today the mood has changed and the price of oil has collapsed. The moment has passed and it may not come again.

And it's the same with Brexit, the brilliantly run Leave campaign came to a head at just the right moment. But as we sink into the mire of post-pandemic recession, few of us believe that our economy can survive the double whammy of Brexit and coronavirus.




N
ationalist opinion is still firmly separatist but as the economy crashes doubts are emerging. The time may be right for a major rethink on Europe. Peter Rushton thinks that the post-Brexit Union Jack is only at half-mast, and Ian Freeman finds common cause with the late Ted Budden, who was one of the first nationalists to change his mind. Other writers such as Michael McLaughlin (pictured) and Richard Edmunds are still in the Brexit camp but they have always been Europeans at heart.

Winston Churchill's Speech to Zurich University 1946


Winston Churchill was a member of parliament from 1902 to 1964. In that time he had much to say and he is still quoted today. He is admired by many as a great war leader and reviled by others as a warmonger. He was a cash-strapped aristocrat who befriended the Jews, but that doesn't make him a bad person. Recently released cabinet papers show that he raised the subject of West Indian immigration in 1954:

"Problems will arise if many coloured people settle here. Are we to saddle ourselves with coloured problems in the UK? Attracted by Welfare State. Public opinion in UK won't tolerate it if it gets beyond certain limits."

But he was replaced as prime minister a year later by Anthony Eden who was only interested in foreign policy.
Winston Churchill was an imperialist who recognised that European unity was inevitable. He was a complex man who made his mark on history. 



This noble continent, comprising on the whole the fairest and most cultivated regions of the earth; enjoying a remporate and equable climate, is the home of all the great  parent races of the western world. It is the fountain of Christian faith and Christian ethics. It is the origin of most of the cukture, arts, philosophy and science both of ancient and modern times.

If Europe were once united in the sharing of its common inheritance, there would be no limit to the happiness, to the prosperity and glory which its three or four hundred million people would enjoy. Yet it is from Europe that has sprung that series of frightful nationalistic quarrels, originated by the Tuetonic nations, which we have seen even in this twentieth century and in our own lifetime, wreck the peace and mar the prospects of mankind.

And what is this plight to which Europe has been reduced?

Some of the smaller states have indeed made a good recovery, but over wide areas a vast quiveribg mass of tormented, hungry, care-worn and bewildered human beings gape at the ruins of their cities and homes and scan the dark horizons to the approach of some new peril, tyranny or terror.

Among the victors there is a babble of jarring voices; among the vanquished the sullen silence of despair.

That is all that Europeans, grouped in so many ancient States and nations, that is all that the Germanic Powers have got by tearing each other to pieces and spreading havoc far and wide.

Indeed, but for the fact that the great Republic across the Atlantic Ocean has at length realsied that the ruin or enslavement of Europe would involve their own fate as well, and has stretched out hands of succour and guidance, the Dark Ages would have returned in all their cruelty and squallor.

They may still return.

Yet all the while there is a remedy which if it were generally and spontaneously adopted, would as if by a miracle transform the whole scene, and would in a few years make all Europe, or the greater part of it, as free and as happy as Switzerland is today.

What is the sovereign remedy?

It is to re-create the European family, or as much as we can, and provide it with a structure under which it can dwell in peace, in safety and in freedom.

We must build a kind of United States of Europe.

In this way only will hundreds of millions of toilers will be able to regain the simple joys and hopes which make life worth living.

The process is simple.

All that is needed is the resolve of hundreds of millions of men and women to do right instead of wrong, and gain as their reward, blessings instead of cursing.

Much work has been done upon this task  by the exertions of the Pan-European Union which owes so much to Count Coudenhove- Kalergi and which commanded the services of the great French patriot and statesman Aristide Briand.

There is also that immense body of doctrine  and procedure, which was brought into being amid high hopes after the First World War, as the League of Nations.

The League of Nations did not fail because of its principles or conceptions, it failed because these principles were deserted by those States who had brought it into being. It failed bacause the Governments of those days feared to face the facts and act while time remained. This disaster must not be repeated. There is, therefore, much knowledge and material with which to build; and also bitter dear-bought experience.

I was very glad to read in the newspapers two days ago that my friend President Truman had expressed his interest and symnpathy with this great design.

There is no reason why a regional organisation of Europe should in any way conflict  with the world organisation of the United Nations. On the contrary, I believe that the larger synthesis will only survive if it is founded upon coherent national groupings.

There is already a natural grouping in the Western Hemisphere. We British have our own Commonwealth of Nations. Those do not weaken, on the contrary they strengthen , the world organisation . They are in fact its main support.

And why should there not be a European group which could give a sense of enlatged patriotism and common citizenship  to the distracted peoples of this nturbulent and mighty continent and why should it not take its rightful place with other great groupings in shaping the destinies of men?

In order that this should be accomplished there must be an act of faith in which nillions of families speaking many languages must concciously take part.

We all know that the two world wars through which we have passed arose out of the vain passion of a newly united Germany to play the dominating part in the world.

In this last struggle crimes and massacres have been committed for which there is no parallel since the invasions of the Mongols in the fourteenth century and no equal at any time in history.

The guilty must be punished. Germany must be deprived of the powers to rearm and make another aggresive war.

But when all this has been done, as it will be done, as it is being done, there must be an end to retribution, There must be what Mr Gladstone made many years ago called 'a blessed  act of oblivion.'

We must turn our backs upon the horrors of the past. We must look to the future. We cannot afford to drag forward across the years that are to come the hatreds and revenges which have sprung from the injuries of the past.

If Europe is to be saved from infinite misery, and indeed from final doom, there must be an act of faith in the European family and an act of oblivion against all the crimes and follies of the past.

Can the free peoples of Europe rise to the height of these resolves of the soul and instincts of the spirit of man?

If the can, the wrongs and injuries which have been inflicted will have been washed away on all sides by the miseries which have been endured.

Is there any need for further floods of agaony?

Is it the only lesson of history that mankind is unteachable?

Let there be justive, mercy and freedom.

The peoples have only to will it, and all will achieve their heart's desire,

I am now going to say something that will astonish you.

The first step in the re-creation of the European family must be a partnership between France and Gerrmany.

In this way only can France recover the moral leadership of Europe.

There can be no revival of Europe without a spiritually great France and a spiritually great germany.

The structure of the United States of Europe, if well and truly built, will be such as to make the material strength of a single state less important. Small nations will count as much as large ones and gain their honour by their contribution to the common cause.

The ancient states and principalities of Germany freely joined together for mutual convenience in a federal system might each take their individual place among the United States of Europe. I shall not try to make a detailed programme for hundreds of millions of people who want to be happy and free, and properous and safe, who wish to enjoy the four freedoms of which the great President Roosevelt spoke, and live in acordance with the principles embodied in the Atlantic Charter. If this is their wish into full fruition.

But I must give you a warning. Time may be short.

At present there is a breathing-space. The cannon have ceased firing. The fighting has stopped; but the dangers have not stopped.

If we are to form the United States of Europe or whatever name or form it may take, we must begin now.

In these present days we dwell strangely and precariously under the shield and protection of the atomic bomb. The atomic bomb is still only in the hands of a State and nation which we know will never use it except in the cause of right and freedom. But it may well be that in a few years this awful agency of destruction will be widespread and the catastrophe following from its use by several warring nations will not only bring to an end all that we call civilisation, but may possibly disintegrate the globe itself.

I must now sum up the propositions which are before you.

Ourt constant aim must be to build and fortify the strength of the United Nations Organisation.

Under and within that world concept, we must re-create the Europoean family in a regional structure called, it may be, the United States of Europe.

The fist step is to form a Council Of Europe.

If at first all the States of Europe are not willing or able to join the Union, we must nevertheless proceed to assemble and combine those who will and those who can.

The salvation of the common people of every race and of every land from wat or servitude must be established on solid foundations and must be guarded by the readiness of all men and women to die rather than submit to tyranny.

In all this urgent work, France and Germany must take the lead together.

Great Britain, the British Commonwealth of Nations, mighty America, and I trust Soviet Russia - for then indeed all would be well - must be the friends and sponsors of the new Europe and must champion the right to live and shine. 

Reciprocal Websites

We post links to friendly websites on a reciprocal basis, but we do not necessarily agree with them.

www.oswaldmosley.com
www.candour.org.uk




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European Outlook

All articles are by Bill Baillie unless otherwise stated. The opinions of guest writers are entirely their own. We seek reform by legal means according to the UN Declaration of Human Rights, Article 19:

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