Tuesday, 31 October 2017

European Outlook # 47, November 2017

All articles are by Bill Baillie unless otherwise stated. The opinions of guest writers are entirely their own. This blog is protected by the UN Declaration of Human Rights, Article 19: "We all have the right to make up our own minds, to think what we like, to say what we think, and to share our ideas with other people."
Nostalgia: The Capitalist Remedy for Meaninglessness. A speech by Donald Thoresen to the Francis Parker Yockey Memorial Dinner in San Francisco in 2017. 

Whether it is something as deeply gut-wrenching as longing for a dead loved one or as fleeting as a random song which reminds us of a memory from high school, we are frequently involved in internal conversations and negotiations between our individual pasts and presents. It is impossible to stop this process. One’s lived experience is a quilt of interconnected memories, of dreams, personal relationships, emotions, ideals, of tragedies, and of triumphs. Our pasts, enveloped as they are in the foggy intersection of fact and romance, define us at any given moment in time. They can be explanatory and roughly predictive but they cannot be taken as law. We are not slaves to our pasts, not to our bad decisions and failures nor to our moments of success and happiness. Our psyches are informed by our pasts in the same way that any given current sociopolitical climate is informed by history, but, as with history, our pasts never have to determine anything. There are no laws that bind human will.

We live in an age of superficiality. Those things which bond communities in a real sense have been eroded to such a degree that fantasy has taken over from reality in the search for meaning. And, even worse, this fantasy is not even utopian in nature. It is a backward, negative fantasy, one dependent on a combination of nostalgia and irony. Irony is a crucial aspect of our age; it is an indication that we, as a race and as a culture, have lost faith not just in authenticity but in the very possibility of authenticity. As the postmodernist historian, Hayden White wrote:

Irony tends to dissolve all belief in the possibility of positive political actions. In its apprehension of the essential folly or absurdity of the human condition, it tends to engender belief in the “madness” of civilization itself and to inspire a Mandarin-like disdain for those seeking to grasp the nature of social reality in either science or art.

There is much more that could be said about irony as an overarching theme of our age but for our purposes, we must simply note that its prevalence across the contemporary social and political spectrum is indicative of a distrust in, and perhaps an abhorrence of, man-made systems, whether formal or informal. In our search for meaning and authenticity in this age of irony, we tend to bury ourselves in nostalgia, which is, in essence, the fetishization of the dead and the impossible. When authenticity seems impossible in the present, the past is romanticized. And whatever is romanticized can be commodified. There is indeed a market for emotion.

Capitalism relies on unmoored physical movement, tenuous interpersonal connections, and sensual whim for its sustenance and has thus both facilitated the historical march of irony and provided a system of nostalgia to act as an opiate by which to provide temporary relief from the agony of meaninglessness. By disseminating palliative symbols and profiting on access to them, this system thrives and immobilizes white populations by reducing their understanding of history to false inevitabilities, superficialities, platitudes, and decontextualized assertions. Our histories, both personal and collective, become a collection of sounds, images, and texts to be bought, sold, and traded based on the emotional appeal of any particular example. There is no need for order, no need for context, and no need for contemplation. All that is required is a desire for temporary escape from the conditions maintained by capitalism.

Inherent in the practice of nostalgia is a search for meaning coupled with the unavoidable psychological tendency to mark the passage of time. These are neither unhealthy nor unnatural impulses on their own but under capitalism, as connections to “blood and soil” weaken, they take on a greater significance and work in concert to manufacture a toxic individual and collective mental state. Rather than producing minds that are energetically oriented towards the future, they produce minds mired in the past, emotionally dependent on the avoidance of reality, trapped by delusions of resurrection and romance. Whole populations of people are reduced to immobility and blind acceptance of whichever way the sociopolitical winds are blowing by dwelling on what are, somewhat paradoxically, calming images of defeat. The system of nostalgia preys on these vulnerabilities. Parasites will always take advantage of easily manipulated biological drives and psychological urges.

It is important, however, to make the distinction between historical memory and nostalgia. Historical memory — so crucial to all nationalisms — is an understanding of history as a part of a living, vital, forward-moving process. It is the integration of the essence of past collective experience into the present. It is the use of history to more deeply understand those forces which act upon groups in the present and which propel history forward. That is to say, it is a sense of history that enables the creation of history. Nostalgia, on the other hand, is a pathological obsession with turning back the clock, of venerating lost eras, of dreaming of racial or civilizational regeneration minus action. It is an inherently reactionary and therefore counterproductive orientation.

In a healthy society, the weakness of nostalgists is marginalized by the vitality of the society itself. After all, it is hard to utterly devote oneself to a romanticized past if that past is no more vital than the present. But under the capitalist order, in which the temporary has more value than the eternal, the trivial is prioritized over the meaningful, and every day brings some new example of social degradation, nostalgists — through little fault of their own, it must be said — blossom and are able to infect the masses with their weakness and indeed are rewarded for doing so. What would have been relatively simple and harmless reminiscences in a healthy society become a state of being in an unhealthy society. This leads ultimately to pessimism and political paralysis. If one’s worldview is based on a return to a romanticized past, one will be doomed to failure and misery. Time moves in only one direction.

Instead of an adventurous life, nostalgia begets a safe life. Instead of engagement, nostalgia rewards retreat. Instead of optimism, nostalgia promotes pessimism. Each of us has witnessed the many years of media corporations and socially acceptable public figures reminding whites that we will become minorities in our own lands and that we should warmly embrace this fate. This message is, of course, fairly direct. But working alongside this message is this highly profitable system of nostalgia which temporarily soothes any discomfort. “You, white man,” we are told, “are going to be a minority but please just watch this television show rerun, listen to this classic rock band, enjoy this old film and forget about it.” Not only does nostalgia offer an escape from reality but upon return — after the high has worn off — one’s sense of loss will be heightened. The chasm between the idealized past and unsatisfactory present seems to become increasingly insurmountable. We are conditioned on all sides to accept our demise, directly and indirectly. And we pay good money for this conditioning.

There is little under capitalism that cannot be bought and sold. The natural impulses of the human mind to memorialize its own existence and seek spiritual value provide the capitalist with opportunities to feed on our meaninglessness, on our discomfort in this world, on our desire for a better place, on our loss of hope and energy. Helpless, hopeless, and drugged by the omnipresent symbols of our planned fate, the capitalist is able to work freely with little resistance. The real engines of history become buried under layer upon layer of textual sludge. The system of nostalgia offers for sale an impossible dream which destines the buyer to political impotence and spiritual impoverishment.

It is appropriate here to include a brief discussion of what the above means with regards to the recent events in Charlottesville. On the surface, it might seem that the event was one of nostalgia, a last grasp to preserve the symbols of a lost and unsalvageable era. And indeed if it had only been about the statues this would have been true. But this was not the case. It was instead an excellent example of white historical memory vitalized right before the eyes of the world. Those statues — meaningless in and of themselves — became symbols of something far greater: the maintenance in the present of white identity, of a people who are increasingly refusing to be wiped from the map through the machinations of Jews and capitalists. It was not a plea to return to the past. It was a demand on the future.  It was exactly the sort of thing that makes nostalgists feel very uncomfortable.

With regards to Southern identity more broadly, the nostalgists are the “heritage not hate” crowd who have whitewashed their own history to paint it as some bucolic, harmonious, apolitical social paradise in which mint juleps were sipped by benevolent patriarchs while Sambo and Paddy toiled happily in their sunny fields. These people ache for a history that they never experienced and about which most of them probably know very little. Those present in Charlottesville who were thinking ahead, who were there out of concern for the future rather than reverence for the past as the past, harnessed the power of historical memory by consciously or subconsciously acting on what is eternal in those statues: the value of racial identity and its relevance to the past, present, and future. The preservation of the statues was important that day because their removal was nothing but yet another symptom of the corrupt anti-white system under which we live. It is unlikely that very many people at the rally wanted those statues to stay merely because they enjoyed looking at them. The “heritage not hate”-types, the civic nationalists who have no concept whatsoever of how human groups function in the real world, are nostalgists who want to resurrect a deracinated, sanitized, safe, Southern (or American) identity. They are postcard nationalists — they want the pretty pictures but do not want to spend much on them. White Nationalists, on the other hand, want to create a new and better world, one that is an extension of our history but does not view it through rose-coloured glasses. White Nationalists look critically at themselves as much as they do others. This itself can be frustrating at times but is ultimately a sign of life — which is more than can be said for most other groups either native to or occupying the West. So what exactly am I suggesting we do about this capitalist system of nostalgia?

First, be self-aware. Critique everything that you consume. This does not mean stop consuming but understand that every input has consequences and that some things which provide you pleasure are in fact hurting you. If something as minor as a particular image or song, for example, makes you long for the past or feel hopeless, discard it. You do not need it. Do not allow yourself to fall into black-pilled paralysis. If you find something that makes you want to fight for the future even harder, you have likely tapped into something eternal — you have stepped onto the plane of historical memory. Surround yourself with such things and cultivate this feeling.
Second, begin to think about the systems of modernity in broader terms than just race. Race is, of course, our primary concern but our enemies do not think solely in these terms. They are as busy manufacturing new systems of control and coercion as they are decimating our demographics — because neither can guarantee them a victory on its own. Each of us at this very moment is enveloped in a system not of our own design and one which we want to bring crashing down. But this will not happen unless we see every insidious aspect of it and reject its every manifestation in our lives. Revere that which is eternal; harness the power of historical memory; but refuse to become a victim of the somnolence of nostalgia, refuse to get teary-eyed over false hopes of resurrection, refuse to become trapped by fantasy, or dependent upon symbols of meekness, compliance, and failure. Focus on the future and act.


Serendipity - The occurrence and development of events by chance in a happy or beneficial way.

An old copy of Colin Jordan's magazine Gothic Ripples caught my eye. It was from February 1988 and posted by 

It reported two news items of interest. 

"Peter Ling, a life-long National Socialist, member of the British NSM, died 16/10/87."

I knew Peter Ling in the old days. He is pictured selling Combat at a meeting of the old BNP in Trafalgar Square. He was an accomplished writer, speaker and street fighter. I guessed that he was dead but I never knew the details. His powerful essay, Authoritarianism v Democracy, originally published in Combat in 1959, was reprinted in European Outlook # 5, May 2014. Here is an extract:

"But the most telling and final indictment of democracy is that in time of great human stress and endeavour it rejects and abandons its philosophical basis. In time of war when the ruling interests are really threatened, democratic values go overboard and the erstwhile democracy gears itself immediately to an authoritarian form of government. Even in time of peace democracy does not attempt to organize its armed forces “democratically” or to sail its great ships across the oceans of the world without the strong hand of authority and responsibility at the helm.

What an indictment of democracy that it can only weld its subjects into a single great united whole for the purpose of destruction! That its fundamental wealth and assets, which only too often represent the ill-rewarded toil of generation of its loyal citizens can be squandered overnight in order to procure fantastic financial sums for expenditure upon war and death, but when it comes to building something great for its own people – as a whole that is – in time of peace, the will and the credit dry up, and “Freedom” reigns once more; freedom for the poor to get out of the slums if they can and freedom for the financier to squat in his banking house and receive the lickspittle homage of parliamentarians of all parties."

The other item concerned Denis Doyle. I met him recently at Ron Tear's funeral and I was trying to remember from where I knew his name.

"Denis Doyle, Gothic Ripples subscriber resident in Frankfurt, West Germany, secured last October the dismissal of charges against him for distributing literature disputing the Jewish 'Holocaust', expressing his views stalwartly in court."

Chance finds recall people and places. As Donald Thoresen reminds us, nostalgia can be a negative sentiment but we must remember the past to understand the future. 

Going Too Far

The political violence in Charlottesville, Virginia, that resulted in the death of a demonstrator was instigated by 'anti-fascists' ranging from Democrats to the armed thugs of 'Black Lives Matter'. President Trump was right to say that both sides were responsible.

'Anti-fascists' throughout the world try to shut down any meeting or demonstration that does not meet with their approval. Police forces restrained by political correctness hesitate to defend free speech and the leaders of the mob know that they are unlikely to be prosecuted.

Left-wing violence is always self-defeating. Encouraged by their success in shutting down patriotic meetings, the 'anti-fascists' turn their attention to the mainstream parties. But when mainstream politicians get whacked over the head with flag poles and baseball bats they change their minds about 'democracy'. They cheered when our man Huey Long was assassinated by the 'anti-fascist' Carl Weiss, but they stopped cheering when their man Jack Kennedy was shot dead in Dallas by another 'anti-fascist' Lee Harvey Oswald. 

If the 'anti-fascists' had the sense to limit their violence to powerless targets they would get away with it but they always go too far. When they attack the police they must face the consequences.

At Cable Street in 1936, the British Union of Fascists obeyed the law but the police were attacked by the 'anti-fascist' mob and sustained many casualties. A local mural depicts a battle between 'anti-fascists' and the BUF that never happened. Most of the fighting was between the mob and the police.

The police never forgot the lesson of Cable Street where they tried to keep the peace without taking sides. Human heads are no match for police truncheons. Kevin Gately was killed fighting with the police in June 1974 at a National Front march to Red Lion Square, and Blair Peach met a similar end when attacking an NF election meeting in Southall Townhall in April 1979.

Lawmakers and journalists can be as liberal as they like but serving cops cannot be blamed for defending themselves.

Disappearing High Streets

             Oxford High Street (picture credit Wikimedia)

There used to be a cinema in every London district but now they are concentrated in the West End. There was a pub on most street corners but they are long gone. The banks have closed down and so have the post offices. Now we are losing our libraries, police stations and fire stations. Soon the only places open will be coffee bars and estate agents. 

It could be part of the Great Universal Conspiracy which grips the far-right, or it could be due to changing circumstances, but our High Streets are disappearing and we are losing our landmarks. We can no longer direct someone to the Town Hall by telling them to turn left at the Red Lion, go past the library, cross the road by the police station and find it opposite the bank.

These lost amenities cost thousands of jobs. Unemployed publicans, barmaids, policemen, bankers, librarians, firemen, usherettes, and greengrocers now compete for jobs in Pret a Manger or Barstow Eves.

Perhaps it has always been thus? Former generations mourned the passing of lamplighters and milkmaids, and thousands of people were involved with horses. We cannot put the clock back but our High Streets certainly looked better before they were dominated by charity shops.

The Ethnic European
by Michael McLaughlin


Nation Revisited
Our sister blog is posted on http://nationrevisited.blogspot.co.uk 

Sunday, 1 October 2017

European Outlook # 46 October 2017

All articles are by Bill Baillie unless otherwise stated. The opinions of guest writers are entirely their own. This blog is protected by the UN Declaration of Human Rights, Article 19: "We all have the right to make up our own minds, to think what we like, to say what we think, and to share our ideas with other people."

A Vision of the Future

The Nazis were as divided over Europe as the politicians of today. Regrettably, nationalist sentiments and ingrained prejudices afflicted the Third Reich. Alfred Rosenberg, the humourless Minister for the Occupied Territories, believed in a Nordic Master Race sprung from the lost continent of Atlantis but Joseph Goebells, the down-to-earth Minister of Propaganda, saw the Second World War as a battle between ideas rather than tribes. In his remarkable speech 'Europe in the year 2000', he said:

"Europeans are more and more realizing that our differences are only family squabbles when measured against the vast problems that the continent must solve. I am convinced that just as we look back with some amusement on the narrow-minded conflicts between German provinces in the 1840s and 1850s, our posterity in fifty years will look back with similar amusement on what is going on today in Europe. They will see the "dramatic battles between nations" of small European states as family squabbles. I am convinced that in fifty years we will no longer think in terms of nations, but of continents and that the entirely different, and perhaps much larger, problems will concern Europe."

In order to realise Joseph Goebells' vision of the future, we must embrace all of Europe. Political systems do not last forever. The Soviet Union defeated the armed might of Nazi Germany but it collapsed, almost without a struggle, in 1990. The current European Union is a work in progress. The UK has voted to quit the EU but we are still Europeans and our future is inextricably linked to the mainland. Few of our politicians can visualise the future. Most of them are incapable of seeing beyond the next five years. But Europe will continue to develop and Brexit will be but a footnote to history; a temporary aberration. 

Jan Lamprecht

Jan Lamprecht is a South African author who runs the website. www.historyreviewed.com

His articles and videos show South Africa descending into chaos under a corrupt government. Robert Mugabe the dictator of Zimbabwe recently complained to a South African minister that the Whites have got too much power. He replied, "that's the fault of your friend Nelson Mandela." 

South Africa is rich in natural resources and self-sufficient in food but the country is beset by crime and corruption. The Blacks are no better off than they were under apartheid and those Whites that do not live in gated compounds are desperately poor and vulnerable. So much for the promise of the 'Rainbow Nation'.

Jan Lamprecht believes that the five million remaining Whites in Southern Africa can regain control. He maintains that the Black regimes in power are so corrupt and inefficient that they can be overthrown.

The Whites are less than ten percent of the South African population but the Afrikaners faced similar odds at the Battle of Blood River in 1838. A force of 470 Voortrekkers (pioneers) defeated a Zulu army estimated at 80,000 men. The Afrikaners had three men wounded; the Zulus had 3,000 killed. But fate did not always favour the Whiteman. Forty years later a Zulu army of 80,000 warriors defeated a British column of 1,800 men at the Battle of Isandlwana 

In the Battle of Omdurman in 1898 Lord Herbert Kitchener led an Anglo-Egyptian army of 25,000 men against a Sudanese Mahdist army more than twice his size. At the end of the day the Anglo-Egyptians suffered 48 dead and 382 wounded. The Mahdi's army had 12,000 killed, 13,000 wounded, and 5,000 captured. Battles are won with equipment and organisation as well as bravery.

We are unlikely to see the restoration of white rule in South Africa because the international companies that control the gold and diamond industries don't care if the country is run by Whites or Blacks, so long as they have got the mineral rights. Jan Lamprecht blames the Jews for the fare of the Afrikaners but the British Empire was responsible for stealing the gold and diamonds and the nationalistic policies of the Afrikaners discouraged European migrants who went instead to Australia.

The Housing Crisis Gets Worse

The lack of affordable housing, particularly in London, is critical, and the North Kensington tower block disaster has made things even worse. The thousands of apartments that line both banks of the Thames from east to west do little to solve the problem. Most of them are built for investment rather than accommodation. They are bought and sold by foreign investors and remain empty most of the time.

The policy of selling off council houses and flats has reduced the housing stock and construction is hampered by planning permission and the availability of mortgages.

Demands for rent controls are opposed by the Tories who say that landlords would be frightened to rent, but the system works in New York where the courts fix fair rents and tenants' rights are guaranteed.

London now has a majority of private rented properties and house building is not keeping up with the increase in population. People have moved further and further out of the capital in search of affordable housing, but essential workers such as doctors, nurses, police, and fire fighters must be housed locally.

Instead of wasting money on aircraft carriers without planes, and nuclear missiles that will never be used, we should build enough houses and flats for our people to live in. Poor housing breeds desperation and desperate people have no incentive to work hard. Our productivity continues to lag behind our competitors. France produces in four days what we do in five. We must deal with the housing crisis as a matter of urgency and restore the morale of the people.

Those who argue that immigration is to blame for the housing crisis should remember that we had a housing shortage after the war when we had virtually no immigrants. As a temporary measure returning servicemen and their families were housed in prefabricated dwellings.

             Peter Rachman (photo credit wordpress.com)

In the fifties, the pimp and rent racketeer Peter Rachman terrorised his Notting Hill tenants with impunity. He was the landlord to Christine Keeler and Mandy Rice Davies, and well connected to the establishment, but he was such a violent criminal that the authorities were forced to act. A lot of people were relieved when Peter Rachman died of a heart attack in 1962 at the early age of 43. He is buried in the Jewish cemetery at Bushey.

The 1965 Rent Act gave some protection to tenants but we need a new Rent Act to stop the current rackets. The trouble is that so many leading politicians are landlords. According to the Daily Mirror Chancellor Philip Hammond gets £10,000 a month for his rented townhouse. 

Ten Miles From Anywhere

John Bean was editor of 'The Wickhambrook Scene' parish magazine from 1975 to 1993. Wickhambrook is the West Suffolk village that he 'escaped' to from Croydon in 1973. It is not a political work but an important social history and a record of a way of life that was threatened when he wrote this book, in 1995, and has all but disappeared since then.

June 1975. Fifty years ago life in Wickhambrook obviously had its charms. But if for some it was the 'good old days', it was also 'very hard old days' compared with today. At least that is the impression we gained when your editor talked to Mrs Edith Claydon.

Mrs Claydon, who was born in Dalham and came to live in Wickhambrook in 1920, states that one of the main differences compared with today is the state of the roads. All the minor roads and what we now call 'B' roads were merely dressed with stones, and road menders could be seen trundling their wheelbarrows to fill in the numerous holes with stones. The main Bury to Haverhill road had superior treatment, however, for here a steamroller was used to bed the stones down more firmly. There were very few cars about until the Thirties arrived. One of the first people in the village to possess a car was Dr Wilkin, which replaced his pony and trap.

At this point, Mrs Claydon added that the late Dr Wilkin was the only doctor and that in those days you went to see him if you were really sick and 'not just for a cut finger'.

If you wanted to go shopping in Bury St Edmunds or Newmarket you went by bicycle or pony and trap, if you were fortunate enough to have either. If not, you could either go on Mr Ernie Hurrell's old bus on market days or with the late Mr Charlie Cook of the Duddery, who had a horse-drawn van fitted with seats and some sort of shelter if it rained. Eastern Counties did not start their bus service until the Thirties.

In those days Wickhambrook was served with five pubs. In addition to The Cloak, the Greyhound and the Plumber's Arms (still with us today as your editor is pleased to say), there was also The White Horse, which closed down about 1926 and is now where Dr Batt lives, and The Walnut Tree at Attleton Green, now the home of Mr & Mrs Crysell. The Walnut Tree was also known as the 'Sizzle'. This was because of the landlord, the son of a butcher, invariably had either some sausages or chops cooking in a pan on an open fire for the customers. The Walnut Tree only closed down some ten years ago.

The Cloak was an independent pub - the others all being Greene King - where the landlord, Mr Ted Mills, brewed his own beer for sale to the customers. It was bought out by Greene King when Mr Mills died in the Thirties.

Opening times would be around 9.00 am right through to 10.00 pm. There were no saloon bars or bars as we know them, just a tap room, and they were, of course, lit by oil lamps. Mrs Claydon stated that with Friday being pay day some - certainly not all - of wives waited hoping there would be some money left to buy food at the shop - which stayed open to 9.00 pm for this purpose. Less timorous wives would go into the pub and pull their spouses out if it seemed to be getting late.

In the homes, everybody relied on wells or pumps, and some even ponds, for their water supplies. Mains water, as with electricity, did not come to Wickhambrook until the mid-Fifties. Only the large houses had indoor sanitation.

The use of slates was still common at Wickhambrook School in the Twenties, and there were no school dinners or free transport for the children. Those children who could not get home to their dinner would bring what their parents could afford, often a piece of bread and dripping, and would wash this down with a drink of water from an old enamelled mug which used to hang on the side of the school pump. The toilets were primitive and heating was provided by coke stoves. School leaving age was thirteen. 

All of John Bean's books; 'Ten Miles From Anywhere', 'Many Shades of Black', 'Blood in the Square', and 'The Trail of the Viking Finger' are available from Amazon.

Reds Under The Bed

                Arthur Scargill (photo credit Wikipedia)

An Aims of Industry booklet from the mid-seventies entitled 'Reds under the Bed' reminds us of the chaos caused by strikes and industrial disputes. There is no doubt that Communists were behind most of the trouble in those days. The Communist Party was controlled by Moscow and its aim was to damage the British economy in order to bring about a Communist Revolution.

"Every politician, every industrial relation specialist, every labour correspondent had been well aware all through the summer and autumn that there were 11 men on the miners' 27-strong executive determined to make trouble for the nation if they possibly could. The Government knew it. Far from seeking a confrontation they specially tailored Stage 3 so that the miners could have a much larger rise than any other group of workers.

The 11 consist of six communists and five members of the 'Labour Left'. The undisputed leader of this dedicated band is Michael McGahey, vice-president and Scottish president of the union, a member of the Communist Party national executive and of its inner cabinet, the political committee. The other Communists are Bill McLean, from Scotland, Joe Whelan from Nottinghamshire, Jack Collins from the Kent coalfield, Peter Tait from Yorkshire, and Dai Francis, from South Wales. Lawrence Daly, the union general secretary, is an ex-communist and usually regarded as a 'hardliner'.

Since 1971 five Marxists of the Labour Left have been elected to the national executive. Their leader is Arthur Scargill from Barnsley, who achieved fame, or maybe notoriety, by leading the violent attack on the Saltley coke depot during the 1972 miners' strike. The other four are Owen Briscoe, from Doncaster, Peter Heathfield, from North Derbyshire, Emlyn Williams, from South Wales, and Eric Clarke, from Scotland." 

The Russian Federation is a parliamentary democracy with a market economy and no interest in British industrial relations. Despite Boris Johnson's enthusiastic backing of American sanctions against the Russians, we do very little trade with them. Russia is virtually self-sufficient and American economic warfare does more harm to countries like Poland that used to export agricultural products to Russia.

In the seventies, when disrupting our industry was part of the Soviet strategy, Aims of Industry were right to expose communist subversion but today there is no foreign involvement. British workers are right to be angry after ten years of cutbacks and wage freezes, especially when MPs get huge increases and BBC 'personalities' take home millions of pounds.

World Trade 

Most trade is internal, and most crops are grown in the country that eats them. In the UK we grow about 60% of our food. We could do better but we import Danish bacon, New Zealand lamb, French wine, Irish stout, and Belgian beer because we like them. We both import and export motor vehicles and machine tools. We could make optical equipment to rival the Germans and they could make jet engines to rival Rolls Royce but we prefer to specialise. Most economies are dominated by services. Instead of making things we earn a living by cleaning windows, flipping burgers, pouring pints, fixing boilers, servicing computers, driving vans, and selling insurance. Even Germany, the world's greatest exporter, is mainly a service economy. 

Our trade deficit is
manageable inside of the European Union with its guaranteed market of half a billion souls, but outside of the EU we will have to export more than we import in order to save our precious dollars. It was easy to be a great exporting nation just after the war when Germany, Italy and Japan were in ruins, but it's not so easy now. We will have to accept a smaller economy with a lower standard of living. 

The World Trade Organisation is under American rules. Scotch whisky will have to compete with Jim Beam and Jack Daniels. We will have to accept chlorine-washed chicken, hormone-fed beef, and genetically modified crops. And our environmental laws might not suit the American motor industry. America uses trade as a weapon of war. States perceived to be hostile, like Russia, Iran and North Korea are punished but Japan and South Korea are rewarded, Britain would have to earn her place by supporting American foreign policy.

Nation Revisited
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Thursday, 31 August 2017

European Outlook # 45 September 2017

All articles are by Bill Baillie unless otherwise stated. The opinions of guest writers are entirely their own. This blog is protected by the UN Declaration of Human Rights, Article 19: "We all have the right to make up our own minds, to think what we like, to say what we think, and to share our ideas with other people."

Murder Most Royal - suggested by Carl Harley

Guy Walters is the author of 'The Traitor', 'The Leader' and 'The Occupation', works of fiction that depict Oswald Mosley as a puppet dictator under the Nazis. In an article in the 'Weekend' magazine, he previews a television series entitled 'Royal Murder Mysteries'. 

He recalls the deaths of Prince George who was killed in an air crash in 1942, the Earl of Errol who was murdered in Kenya in 1941, the Russian Royal Family who were slaughtered by the Reds in 1918, and the mysterious death of Mad King Ludwig of Bavaria in 1886.

It's sometimes difficult with writers of historical novels to separate fact from fiction. The loss of the RAF Short Sunderland flying boat carrying Prince George and thirteen others was carefully investigated. The murder of the Earl of Errol, who was a member of the British Union of Fascists, and a member of the Kenya Legislative Council, remains unsolved. Sir Jock Delves Broughton was charged with the murder but found not guilty. He was the husband of the Earl of Errol's lover, Lady Diana Broughton.

The bodies of the Romanovs have been identified by DNA analysis using samples supplied by the British Royal Family. But the death of Mad King Ludwig remains a mystery because his family will not allow an autopsy.

The combination of Royalty and murder is irresistible to historical revisionists. They accuse Winston Churchill of being responsible for the death of Prince George who was thought to have Nazi sympathies. Churchill was a ruthless man who did not hesitate to sink the French Fleet. But can we really believe that he ordered the deaths of fourteen RAF personnel just to silence Prince George? Their scant evidence is taken from 'Double Standards' a book about Rudolf Hess by Lynn Picknett and Clive Prince. I once asked a conspiracy theorist to prove that Rudolf Hess had been murdered but he challenged me to prove that he had not. In the end, you believe what you want to believe. 

Union Movement

Oswald Mosley died in 1980 but his ideas live on. 'Ten Points For Action' was published forty years ago but they are still relevant. Compare these visionary policies to the paranoid fantasies of the far-right. 

1) Action to Build Houses. We want Action to solve the housing problem. It should be taken out of the hands of local authorities and entrusted to Government leadership with powers to mass produce houses and flats like an 'operation of war', turning out homes as munitions were mass-produced in time of war.

2) Stop the Land and Rent Rackets. Give the Government the power to acquire land at pre-boom prices and to finance housing by low-interest loans, paid for by high-interest charges on all non-essential and luxury building. Such action would bring down house prices and rents and at last provide good but cheap housing for all.

3) Stop Immigration - Start Repatriation. We want Action to ease the pressure on housing and other social problems (like the reintroduction of diseases unknown in Britain for hundreds of years) by stopping all further immigration and by repatriating all post-war immigrants to good jobs and conditions in their homelands, to which prosperity had been restored by using the surplus wealth and production of united Europe. But Britain could make a start now before the complete union of Europe is achieved.

4) Choice in Education and Health. We want Action to build good schools, colleges, universities and hospitals, just as we would mass-produce houses and flats. Parents should have a choice of schools for their children. We should not be taxed to provide those health services we will never use (maternity benefits for confirmed bachelors!) but free to pay in proportion to our requirements.

5) Free Speech - Law and Order. We want Action to ensure freedom of speech for everyone, guaranteed by the Government, which has a duty to maintain law and order in the State and to take effective action against mob violence, which today denies freedom of expression to any views of which its agitators disapprove. Let us maintain local police forces with their local knowledge and experience, but let us supplement them with a highly-trained, well-equipped, mobile national police force, to put down organised crime and to maintain public order.

We would ensure freedom of the Press for both newspapers and the public. Any man who felt himself misrepresented in the Press should be guaranteed (by law) equal space to reply in the newspaper concerned. This would free the public from the expense of seeking justice through costly libel action and free the newspapers from the legal blackmail of a threatened libel action by some unscrupulous racketeer.

6) Capital Punishment. The death penalty should be restored to the statute book, to be used sparingly in the case of premeditated murder. The Court of Appeal should have a solemn duty to reprieve if in any doubt. The sentence could be carried out not by hanging, but by a quick and painless injection or by some other humane method.

7) Action in Europe. To put these policies into practice Britain must advance beyond the concept of a so-called united Europe and Common Market to which the Conservative Party has at last been converted and which the Labour Party still opposes. We must advance quickly to "Europe a Nation", which we have advocated since 1948. We stand for a union of all Europe, our former white Dominions and southern Africa, a great "third force" independent of both America and Russia.

This "third force" must have a central government for its defence, the economy, finance and scientific development, with power to raise wages and control prices as production increases for a guaranteed market, insulated against unfair competition from the rest of the world. 

We need a European army, equipped with the most modern weapons to defend our continent against attack from any quarter. This should be financed on a European budget, instead of each small country straining its economy to finance its own defence.

8) National and Regional Governments. There should be independent national and regional governments for each European country and the main regions. This would enable England, Wales, Scotland, Ireland and other European countries and regions to have their own parliaments for internal affairs and for the preservation of their national and regional cultures.

9) The Irish Problem. The ultimate solution to the Irish problem is the union of that country within a united Europe. But the bloodshed must first be brought to an end by a free vote on a county basis in each of the Six Counties and a subsequent readjustment of the border. The bulk of the Catholic population in the North would then be ruled (as is their wish) from Dublin, with a lessening of present tensions, the IRA would lose its bases in the North and the British Army would have a much shorter border to patrol against infiltration from the South. In this improved situation agreement could more easily be reached on the eventual union of Ireland, with the rights of the Protestant minority protected and guaranteed by European government.

10) Government of National Union. We stand for a government of national union and effective action, drawn from the whole nation, from the professions and the trade unions, arts and science, the law and the armed forces. Government elected by the whole people alone should govern. It should have power to lead the economy, raising wages and controlling prices as science increased production. Then we will have cooperation instead of conflict in industry.

We want Action to halt the "brain drain" and to arouse a new spirit of national service in our British people, by relating all reward directly to skill, effort, initiative and responsibility. There should be "great reward for great service", crowned by higher pensions drawn from the wealth of the new economic system, as the reward in old age for those who had loyally served the nation throughout their lives.

Jews & Nazis

In his political memoir Many Shades of Black, John Bean tells the story of Colin Jordan’s supporters who rented a house in Coventry in the late fifties. The house was wrecked as a result of them playing games of ‘Jews & Nazis’.  Today, their descendants are still playing the same games.

The original Nazis were supporters of Adolf Hitler’s National Socialist Party in Germany. Today, they can be anything from historical re-enactors who dress up as Storm Troopers to crusty old reactionaries who believe in the Jewish Conspiracy Theory.  President Donald Trump is a strong defender of Israel with Jewish grandchildren, but he is accused of having Nazi sympathies because he wants to limit immigration. A Nazi is, in fact, anybody who criticises the Jews or expresses an opinion not approved by them.

But what is a Jew? When I wrote that Benjamin Disraeli was an Anglican I received a number of emails telling me that he was a Jew. But so was Karl Marx and he hated the Jews and was not shy about saying so. The picture does not become clearer by looking at the State of Israel that was established as a national home for the Jews.

Israel’s population of 8.3 million is 75% Jewish. The majority of them came from Europe but nearly two million came from Africa and Asia. The Falasha or Beta Israel Jews were rescued from Ethiopia in 1979. They claim to be descended from the Queen of Sheba who visited King Solomon in Jerusalem in 550 BC. According to the Bible the royal couple “exchanged many gifts.”  There are now some 130,000 of them in Israel.

The Tutsi people of East Africa also claim Jewish heritage. They were almost exterminated by their Hutu neighbours in 1994. They emigrated from Ethiopia in the fifteenth century and still follow Jewish customs. When the Jewish journalist Josh Kron visited Rwanda he reported: “I was greeted with a fist-pound and a touch to the heart by the money changer, who called me a fellow Jew.”

There are thought to be 30,000 Jews in India and 70,000 Indian Jews in Israel. In 2008 the Synagogue in Mumbai was attacked by Pakistani terrorist resulting in the deaths of six Jews.

The Shanghai Synagogue serves the 3,000 strong Jewish community in China.

In fact, the Jews come in all colours and can't be classified as a race. Many famous so-called Jews did not profess the Jewish religion, and many of the founding fathers of Zionism were self-confessed atheists. It seems that a Jew is someone who identifies as such. By setting themselves apart the Jews have contributed to their universal unpopularity. People who think themselves superior are bound to face hostility from the rest of humanity. This applies to the Nazis who think that they belong to the Master Race and to the Jews claim to be Gods Chosen People.

They are two sides of the same coin. Ze'ev Jabotinsky 1880-1940  (pictured) fought with the British army in WW1 and was a pioneer of the Zionist movement. He was financed by Benito Mussolini and befriended by the Nazis who shared his ambition to send Europe's Jews to Palestine.

Fantasy and Reality

Many people dream of returning to "the good old days", a mythical Golden Age without mass migration and global capitalism. Unfortunately, we are stuck with reality.

Today life has improved for most people but we are being overwhelmed by Third World immigration. White people are escaping the invasion by moving out of the inner cities, but that’s getting harder to do. Unfortunately wishing that ten percent of our population would go back where they came from will not make it happen. Repatriation would be very difficult. We would have to defy the United States and face sanctions. We would need the approval of the electorate, the agreement of our trading partners and the cooperation of the countries involved. We could start by sending back illegal immigrants, overstayed students, failed asylum seekers, criminals, and volunteers, but it would take a revolution to uproot immigrants who have settled here. Those who advocate rounding them up and sending them home should realise what is involved.

About a third of our immigrants are Muslims. Their birth-rate is generally much higher than the national average but this is expected to fall as they are assimilated. The public is justifiably outraged at terrorist atrocities but they accept that the majority of Muslims are not terrorists.

'Political Correctness' forbade any mention of immigration when it was non-European but the Poles were considered fair game by The Daily Mail and The Sun. They won the European Referendum by linking immigration to the EU - even though half of our immigrants come from outside Europe.

Their readers dream of an independent Britain but we are a small country with over sixty-five million mouths to feed and diminishing oil reserves. We must have access to the single market. We can keep our monarchy, our legal system and our Parliament but we cannot survive on our own. Those who think we would be better off out of the EU are mistaken.

Last year we contributed £4.6 billion to the EU but the Euro-sceptics arrived at a figure of £65.6 billion. They did this by guessing what trade we would do if we were not in the EU. An exercise in creative accounting that Robert Maxwell would have been proud of.

But if we quit the EU tomorrow we would still have to comply with international standards. The days of selling Morris Minors to grateful Australians are over. The Bruges Group preach ‘independence’ but they are staunch supporters of our ‘special relationship’ with America. Their heroine is Margaret Thatcher who made her famous Euro-sceptic speech in Bruges in 1988.  She stood up to Jacques Delors but went weak at the knees at the sight of Ronald Reagan in his flying jacket.

England united with Wales and Cornwall in 1284, with Scotland in 1707 and with Ireland in 1800 – amended in 1922.  We have been together for over two hundred years but each nation and region is still distinctly different. Despite our long tradition of national and regional identities within the United Kingdom some people are still worried that Europe will steal our nationality. They shouldn’t worry; Irish eyes will still be smiling, the Welsh will still be singing hymns and arias, the Scots will still be complaining and the English will still be apologising; so long as they are not replaced.

We survived the financial crash of 2008 by borrowing and 
printing money. But we can't do that indefinitely and we can't return to the Gold Standard or the dollar system. We should forget about trying to be a world power and concentrate on improving productivity. Our automotive and aerospace industries show what can be done with modern machinery.

Our banking industry is vitally important. The City of London is a major employer of labour and a massive contributor to the exchequer. The Government must ensure that the banks have sufficient deposits to cover lending, but those who talk about hanging bankers and abolishing the Bank of England are deluded. 

We must accept that we cannot grow coffee or bananas in the UK. Our armed forces are well trained and equipped but we could not take on the Chinese. And our manufacturing industry is improving but we are not about to overtake the Germans. But we can stop Third World immigration, dump the emotional baggage of Empire and become a modern country. We can bring our servicemen home from the Middle East and learn to mind our own business. The trick is knowing the difference between fantasy and reality.

Nation Revisited
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